ng the abortion. Source: LifeSiteNews.com Publish Date: March 17, 2004 Online at: IFRLDailyNews/040318/4" "From: Austin Ruse -- C-FAM c-fam@c-fam.org Subject: FRIDAY FAX /Kofi Annan Calls Abortion Group 'Shining Example' Date: Thu, 04 Mar 2004 11:02:21 -0800 Dear Colleague, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has accepted an award from one of the most radical pro-abortion groups at the UN. The International Women's Health Coalition calls for subverting national laws on abortion all over the world. Annan called them a 'shining example' for the world. Spread the word. Yours sincerely, Austin Ruse FRIDAY FAX March 5, 2004 Volume 7, Number 11 Kofi Annan Calls Abortion Group 'Shining Example' for World At a gala event held in January, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan received an award from the International Women’s Health Coalition (IWHC), a group working for worldwide abortion on demand for women and girls. Annan’s enthusiastic acceptance of the award raises renewed questions about the objectivity of Annan, and the UN secretariat in general, which is responsible for organizing major conferences on international social policy. In his acceptance speech, the Secretary General lauded IWHC, saying that 'I am moved that you have chosen to honour me this evening. Above all, I want to pay tribute to the International Women’s Health Coalition for the work it is doing around the globe. The IWHC and its partners provide indispensable leadership for the health and rights of girls and women worldwide. If there were more pioneers like you, the world would be a better place…. You are a shining example.' This leadership includes teaching abortion advocates how to skirt 'restrictive' abortion laws. For instance, where legal abortion is restricted to those abortions considered necessary to save the life of the mother, IWHC recommends that abortion providers simply 'adopt a broad definition of what constitutes a threat to a woman’s life by considering the risk of death if she seeks a clandestine procedure.' IWHC also works for the radical reinterpretation of UN human rights documents. IWHC admits that no UN document 'explicitly asserts a woman’s right to abortion.' But, 'Despite these qualif- ications…the conference documents and human rights instruments – if broadly interpreted and skillfully argued – can be very useful tools in efforts to expand access to safe abortion.' For instance, according to IWHC, the right to life, the first right enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, should include a right to abortion, since women who seek illegal abort- ions risk their lives. IWHC has also praised the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) for providing chemical abortifacients and early abortion devices in refugee settings while avoiding international scrutiny. IWHC claims that UNFPA’s 'preassembled reproductive health kits have helped speed up response to emergencies and to halt case-by-case controversies about what supplies should be included. Thus, subkit three includes emergency contraception, and subkit eight includes manual vacuum aspiration equipment.' Manual vacuum aspiration appears to be central to IWHC strategy to expand access to abortion, since the early abortion for which it is used, a procedure IWHC labels 'menstrual regulation,' constitutes, according to IWHC, one of the 'loopholes under which safe abortion can be provided even in settings where laws are restrictive.' 'In his speech, Annan stressed the need for 'achieving a deep social revolution that will give more power to women, and trans- form relations between women and men at all levels of society.' He concluded by calling the staff of IWHC 'wonderful partners of the United Nations family.' Copyright – C-FAM (Catholic Family & Human Rights Institute). Permission granted for unlimited use. Credit required. [The Friday Fax is reported and written by Douglas A. Sylva, Vice President of C-FAM.] Catholic Family & Human Rights Institute 866 United Nations Plaza, Suite 427 New York, New York 10017 Phone: (212) 754-5948 Fax: (212) 754-9291 E-mail: c-fam@c-fam.org Website: www.c-fam.org" "-------------------- From: The Pro-Life Infonet Reply-To: Steven Ertelt infonet@ prolifeinfo.org Source: Focus on the Family; January 1, 2003 Roe v. Wade: 30 Years Of Lies by Tom Neven [Pro-Life Infonet Note: Tom Neven is editor of Focus on the Fam- ily magazine.] Hoist by your own petard -- an old literary expression that means blown up by your own bomb. In 1973 the ACLU and feminist lawyers dropped a bomb on American culture by asking the Supreme Court to legalize abortion on demand. But the two women they used as pawns are now doing something explosive -- trying to take their cases back to the Court to have them overturned. And according to Rule 60 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, there's nothing the pro-abortionists can do about it. Rule 60 states that 'Upon such terms as are just, a motion can be made by a party and the judg- ment will be set aside.' Basically, the plaintiffs say they know things now that they didn't know before, such as the fact that Roe v. Wade and its companion case, Doe v. Bolton, were based upon lies, the fact of post-abortion trauma suffered by millions of women and the well-documented link between abortion and breast cancer. Taken advantage of Norma McCorvey, the Jane Roe of Roe v. Wade, and Sandra Cano, the Mary Doe of Doe v. Bolton, are now pro-life Christians. While McCorvey's case was about abortion, even though she lied to her lawyers, Cano's was not remotely associated with the gruesome procedure. In 1970 Cano was a homeless mother of three children who had been taken away. Cano approached the local legal-aid of- fice seeking custody of her children and a divorce from her hus- band. What she received was something she never requested: the legal right to abort her child. Cano admits she was young, unedu- cated and naïve. 'I never wanted an abortion. I just wanted my children back,' she says. Her legal-aid attorney, Margie Pitts Hames, however, filed the case under false pretenses. Cano says that either Hames forged her signature on the affidavit, or she slipped it in among other papers Cano was told to sign for her divorce. Cano never saw the affidavit that was filed with the Supreme Court, but she says unequivocally, 'The facts stated in the affidavit in Doe v. Bolton are not true.' 'Before my court date, I was instructed not to say anything and just be there,' Cano says. 'This is the only time I ever made an appearance in court before the Doe decision -- and I never spoke a word.' The deception went further. Cano says that a TV interview was basically faked. 'They set up the cameras facing my back, and then Margie did all the talking like she was me. It wasn't even my voice.' Years later, when Cano tried to have her court records unsealed, she was fought by, of all people, her former attorney, Hames. 'At first I couldn't understand why; she knew it was me. But now I understand.' The affidavit said that she had applied for an abortion, had been turned down and had therefore sued the state of Georgia. 'According to the records, I had applied for an abortion through a panel of nine doctors and nurses at [state- funded] Grady Memorial Hospital,' she says. 'This is a lie. I contacted the hospital and tried to get my records. At first they said they were there, but when my attorney sent for them, the re- cords disappeared, if they ever really existed.' In fact, Cano was against abortion. When told she had 'won' her court case, Cano says, 'It was like a whole bunch of bricks were put on my shoulders, and it has been that way ever since. I never wanted an abortion. Regardless of the worst state of misery or depression, it would never cross my mind to take the life of a child.' Another pawn In 1969 Norma McCorvey was a self-described hippie and often un- happy. 'I'd been on the streets since I was 9 or 10,' she says. 'I often told my mother, 'I wish I could find the person who in- vented life. I'd slap 'em.' ' She was pregnant for the third time -- the second time out of wedlock -- and looked into getting an abortion. The illegal abortion clinic she was referred to was, in the mildest of terms, disgusting. 'There was dried blood all over the floor and on the side of this makeshift table,' McCorvey says. 'There was a grip hanging from the ceiling. I guess that's what the girls would hold on to. This was before they could give them anesthesia. I saw the conditions of the place and went outside to get ill.' Eventually, McCorvey was recommended to two young women fresh out of law school, Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee. She lied to them, saying she had been gang-raped. 'They said, 'Well, you know, women have the right to vote,' McCorvey says. 'I'm sitting there and thinking, Well, I may live part time in the streets and part time at my dad's, but I'm not stupid, okay? They were treating me like I was stupid, and I resented that. 'Then they said, 'Well, Norma, don't you think women should have rights to their own re- productive organs?' And I'm going, like, yeah. I wasn't real sure what they were talking about, but then you have to under- stand that I stayed stoned a lot.' They told McCorvey that the case was only about Texas' abortion laws. (Ironically, because the case dragged out in the courts, McCorvey never got an abort- ion. She gave up the baby for adoption.) When she found out that the case had gone all the way to the Supreme Court and resulted in legalizing abortion in all 50 states, she was stunned. 'I sat in the dining room that night and just kept rereading the news- paper story and drinking -- drinking and thinking,' she says. 'It made me sad to know that my name, even though it was a pseudonym, would always be connected to the death of children.' McCorvey got a straight razor and started cutting her wrists a little at a time. 'That didn't work, so I went out and I got as many pills as I could. I took all of them and chased it with a quart of Johnny Walke